Over the last 30 years, the CCPA has provided alternative research and analysis that have been indispensable in exposing the corporate agenda. I don’t know what I’d have done without them.
— Judy Rebick
Last week, the Manitoba Labour Board reinstated Brandon Professional Fire Fighters/Paramedics Association president Wade Ritchie in his job as a fire fighter. The city of Brandon had fired Ritchie in January, claiming he had made “reckless and defamatory statements” that justified his termination. The Union disagreed, on the grounds that the statements in question were actually part of the normal business of the Union and that Ritchie, as Union president, had been legitimately fulfilling his duty to enforce the collective agreement – terms to which the City had already agreed. The Union also suggested that firing the Union president just as the City and the Fire Fighters were preparing to bargain a new contract looked more like a bargaining tactic than real discipline, and the message to other union members that their exercise of union rights could lead to termination was sure to create a chill on the negotiations. The Board’s unprecedented decision to reinstate Ritchie immediately, in advance of and pending formal arbitration, was a strong rebuke to the City of Brandon. The Board, which represents both employers and employees, not only agreed with the Union, but ordered the City to broadcast its decision to the entire department.
Mr. Ritchie and the other fire fighters and paramedics were greatly relieved by the Board’s decision. They know the ruling isn’t just about Wade; it’s about protecting other union members from that kind of intimidation. But the City’s choice to play hard ball with its fire fighters and paramedics is clearly no accident. Grant Mitchell, the high-priced labour-relations lawyer who argued the case against Ritchie, is an advisor to the Canadian Labour Watch Association, a Vancouver-based anti-union organization that specializes in breaking unions. Mitchell recently led Brandon University into a bitter and unnecessary strike from which students and faculty are still recovering. The City has also hired Canadian Professional Management Services, Inc. (CPMS) to bargain with its unions.
Claiming that the Human Resources Department was currently overloaded, the City offered no explanation about why a Vancouver consulting firm, CPMS, was hired to do the work. We suggest that the hiring originates in the tight relationship between CPMS and Canadian Fire Chiefs (CFC). In 2010, CPMS and CFC collaborated in establishing an International Conference for Fire and Rescue Executives. The Brandon Fire Department participated in the inaugural conference, “Chiefs Under Fire...Are You Ready?” held in Calgary. Mohamed Doma (who was advising the City on labour relations and leading negotiations for the City with the Fire Fighters at the time Wade Ritchie was fired) was a keynote speaker. A second conference, “Leadership at the Edge of Reason,” was held in Toronto in 2011, and again the Brandon Fire Department was there and Mohamed Doma was a speaker. This year, the Conference, “Leadership in Critical Times,” is slated for Vancouver, and again Mohamed Doma is a keynote speaker in a session titled, “Protecting Your Management Rights: Your Critical Role.” In his presentation Doma will explain how fire chiefs lost control of management rights and will propose strategies for getting them back. The interesting thing about the Vancouver conference is that Chief Brent Dane is also on a panel, “Chiefs Under Fire,” and his topic is, “Leadership Control: What Does It Take?: A Case Study.” The program promises that the case study “will address the common concern that the union is ruining the [firehouse culture] and applying the international code for ‘bringing down the chief.’ [The question:] What does it take to regain management control in these situations?”
Mitchell and CPMS charge hefty fees for their services, and we question how ethical it is for the City of Brandon – or Brandon University – to spend lavishly from public funds to attack its unions. There was no evidence of serious labour relations problems before the city hired anti-union consultants. We also question why the City of Brandon has adopted such an aggressive stance even before starting to bargain with the fire fighters and paramedics, and how such a hostile management style and the poisoned workplace climate it creates will affect the vital services that these workers provide. Fire fighters in other cities that have also hired Mitchell are anticipating the same kind of anti-union bargaining and management style. Some union members have even heard that their cities want the right to call in students from the fire college as volunteer fire fighters, and hope to create “mixed” forces, in which unpaid volunteers with no insurance coverage, pay, or benefits work alongside paid, professional fire fighters. The growing trend of cities to create “mixed” police forces by using cadets and volunteers like Citizens on Patrol in place of professional police officers raises questions about how insurance rates are affected. In short, it’s clear that this case is about more than one worker in Brandon; this move is part of a broader attempt by cities to adopt a US model that uses volunteers, who have no union protection or other workplace rights, as first responders.
On the other hand, public sector unionized workforces that are given decent pay and benefits return benefits to the public in high productivity, low turnover and low training costs. A well-trained core of long-term skilled workers also reduces the costs of undertaking new functions (the paramedic function for ambulance drivers, for example) and paves the way for the development and application of innovations in the delivery of services. Whether the task is road maintenance, post-secondary education, or hospital care, the employers, the workers, and their unions share a common goal: to provide the highest quality services at an affordable cost. That these services have been provided without significant conflict for decades suggests that there is nothing wrong with the model or the labour relations legislation that supports it. On the contrary, the current problems appear to be caused by the City, which has adopted an aggressive stance toward its unionized workers, to the detriment of Brandon citizens. Ideally, labour relations in the public sector should strive to avoid conflict – not create it – but focus on goodwill, respectful treatment, and responsible collaboration in the shared goal of ensuring sustainable, high-quality services to citizens.
Julie Guard heads the Labour Studies Department at the University of Manitoba and is a CCPA Mb. board member; Errol Black is a CCPA Mb. board member.
A halting and fragile "recovery" from the biggest global economic meltdown since the Great Depression has seen the growth of the ugliest side of capitalism. In the Wake of the Crisis: Bully Capitalism, by CCPA's Armine Yalnizyan, is a must-read piece documenting the new snatch-and-grab business ethos, one that may ruin the game for everyone but the corporate giants, as we lurch headlong down the road of lower taxes and lower wages.
You can read In the Wake of the Crisis: Bully Capitalism over on our blog, Behind the Numbers.
Electro-Motive/Caterpillar's decision to lock out its London, Ontario workers on January 1st, demanding workers accept a 50% pay cut or lose the plant altogether, brings into focus a theme that is unfolding in 2012: The crackdown on middle class work in Canada.
The CCPA's Trish Hennessy has written two blog posts about the developments in London and what it means for Canada's labour movement:
Caterpillar: The moth flying too close to the flame shows the futility of Canada's tax cut agenda and the failure of senior governments to act to save jobs.
Attack of the killer unionbot deconstructs the dehumanizing narrative that is pitting Canadians against unions.
The CAW and CEP, two organizations with extensive experience with union mergers, have embarked on a joint exploration of whether to form a new alliance founded on "a genuinely new form of trade unionism: a unionism that is equated with the broader fight of all workers for justice and security." In his 1995 history of the autoworkers, Sam Gindin reflected on the CAW's own experience with union mergers and their potential to foster greater understanding and solidarity among members:
"Although the mergers certainly added new and difficult challenges, they were also a source of strength and vitality. The mergers brought unions with their own rich histories, activists with talent and experience, and the energy of new members. In addition, they encouraged the development of a broader working class consciousness on the part of the past and future CAW members. CAW activists, having heard a report on the fisheries at the council, read the newspaper differently and paid more attention to what was happening to working people in Newfoundland. Students in the PEL program, listening to a passenger agent explain the impact of lean production on her work, realized that work reorganization was in fact part of something bigger and that service workers were really workers."
Academics such as Gary Chaison have emphasized that when it comes to union renewal, mergers are a poor substitute for re-evaluating existing approaches to organizing, educating, mobilizing, and bargaining. The CAW/CEP discussion paper agrees, viewing merger as an opportunity to revitalize current practices and shake up the Canadian labour movement more broadly, rather than being an end in itself.
Caterpillar's February 3rd announcement that it will close the Electro-Motive Diesel facility in London has renewed calls to overhaul the Investment Canada Act. The CAW, CEP, USW and CLC among others have pressed for expanding the criteria for approving foreign takeovers to include the impact of the investment on employment, wages and conditions, and the livelihood of workers, retirees and communities affected. Unions have also pointed to the lack of transparency and public participation in the review process, calling on the government to make public all commitments made by companies under the Act.
Some in the media have also questioned why companies like Electro-Motive (Caterpillar), which benefited from tax breaks and incentives announced in 2008, are not required to return the money if they close plants and lay off workers. In a similar vein, the CLC recently urged the federal government to require companies benefitting from corporate income tax cuts, but stockpiling cash, raising executive compensation, and boosting shareholder dividends instead of increasing real investment and employment, to pay back the money to taxpayers.
In its 2010 and 2011 budgets, the federal government announced cuts totalling $7.82 billion. A new CCPA study explores the impact of these cutbacks and finds between 60,100 and 68,300 jobs will be lost as a result.
The study, The Cuts Behind the Curtain: How federal cutbacks will slash services and increase unemployment, identifies areas that are already seeing cuts and may see more of the same, including: programs for Aboriginal on-reserve housing, training and primary health care; support for low-income families, seniors, and the unemployed; environmental programs; workplace and food safety inspectors; and Canada's international profile.
The study also raises serious concerns about the government's lack of transparency about what will be axed, and why.
Click here to to download the study in English. Click here to download the study in French.
Over the last 30 years, the CCPA has provided alternative research and analysis that have been indispensable in exposing the corporate agenda. I don’t know what I’d have done without them.
— Judy Rebick